Do any philosophers argue for a state of constant war? Not as a state that needs to be prevented, but an ideal state. I don't think that's Marx, but it may be some variants of Marxism. Does Machiavelli argue for this in some way?
-
1Heraclitus might, but I'd have to re-read his fragments. He certainly saw war as a type of "justice."– HokonCommented Sep 17, 2023 at 19:08
-
interesting @Hokon i don't mean murder and looting and rape and all that bloody nonsense.– user67675Commented Sep 17, 2023 at 19:10
-
Ideal how, for whom? If you're running an empire powered by a slave economy for whom idle standing military forces are a constant threat of a coup, it's obviously ideal in short-term economic terms for your ruling class for your military to be off conquering and enslaving your neighbors - and pretty good for your military's short term utility, too, since they get to loot and rape and all that bloody nonsense. Not so ideal for your working poor, and definitely not ideal for your conquered, enslaved, looted, and raped neighbors, but are any of those guys really people?– g sCommented Sep 18, 2023 at 4:07
-
hmm yeah i think they are @gs thanks– user67675Commented Sep 18, 2023 at 4:18
-
1Realists in the field of international relations assume that every state is only motivated by self-interest, anarchy cannot be mitigated and war/conflict is inevitable. They don't argue that this is an ideal though, just that this is the way things are. This is an oversimplification though but if you're interested in international relation theory maybe look at some classical realists for a similar opinion.– notwithstandingCommented Dec 15, 2023 at 8:20
3 Answers
Maybe not what you are looking for...
If our definition of war extends beyond direct military conflict to include conflicts such as the arms race and its doctrine of mutually assured destruction, then military strategists have developed and adopted a philosophy based on mathematical game theory and its concept of Nash equilibrium.
Nash equilibrium has a technical definition which roughly says that given a strategy adopted by one side, neither side could do strictly better (i.e., increase their payoff) by adopting another strategy. This gives rise to an infinite game where it is in the interest of both sides to keep the game going. Particular conflicts, such as direct military conflicts (e.g., Ukraine), may come and go but the game continues indefinitely.
-
hmm. so it's just me– user67675Commented Sep 17, 2023 at 22:47
-
Works also if the strategy is mutual cooperation. Just sayin' Commented Dec 15, 2023 at 15:51
This is the closest thing to this that I'm aware of:
- "The specific political distinction to which political actions and motives can be reduced is that between friend and enemy. ... The political enemy need not be morally evil or aesthetically ugly; he need not appear as an economic competitor, ... But he is, nevertheless, the other, the stranger; and it is sufficient for his nature that he is, in a specially intense way, existentially something different and alien," (p.26)
(Carl Schmitt, The Concept of the Political (1932), From the 1996 translation by George Schwab)
Just so you know who we're dealing with here, this book is a brick-by-brick blueprint for fascism. Schmitt joined the Nazi party one year after the publication of this book.
Schmitt conceptualizes politics as being, inherently, an "us versus them" dichotomy, in which political unity/solidarity is only possible when a group holds a distain for a common "enemy" (which can be selected arbitrarily, so long as they are different/alien/foreign/etc.).
Regarding war, Schmitt does say that
- "If such physical destruction of human life is not motivated by an existential threat to one's own way of life, then it cannot be justified. Just as little can war be justified by ethical and juristic norms"(p.49)
But: A conception of political unity that depends on perceiving the "other" as an existential threat which much be unified against is going to be very war-prone, as the only way of securing safety against this existential threat would be to negate the other -- to get rid of them.
And he does say this explicitly too:
"War follows from enmity. War is the existential negation of the enemy."(p.33)
"War as the most extreme political means discloses the possibility which underlies every political idea, namely, the distinction of friend and enemy"(p.35)
Schmitt does seem to recognize that killing people is generally bad, but within the sphere of the political, believes that because of the friend/enemy divide that is the founding principle of his philosophy, he does seem to think of it as inevitable. He does discuss policies of pacifism to an extent, but takes them to be merely declarations of temporary inaction; that regardless of what a state might say it will or won't do, in being a unified political entity, it necessarily reserves the right to retaliate if faced with an existential threat, be that from invasion, civil unrest, international tension, etc.(p.50-51) So even if a nation is not in active combat against another, for it to be secure in its own existence, then it has to be constantly prepared for war.
So I'd say Schmitt is maybe the closest you're going to get, as most people will generally agree that people dying sucks. But what I think makes Schmitt approximate what you're looking for is that his 'people dying sucks' comes with the asterisk of "but war is a necessary aspect of keeping a political community united, as without any enemy there is nothing to unify against."
So it kind of a position in favor of constant warfare (active or not).
I will once again remind you that this guy was a literal Nazi. Do with this information as you will, and I hope this helped.
-
"The guns spell money's ultimate reason in letters of lead on a spring hillside." - Stephen Spender (ironic name, that) Commented Dec 15, 2023 at 14:12
Maybe not literal war but, in a sense, intellectual war/struggle.
Adorno does derive from the negative Dialectics that there needs to be a perpetual enlightenment of enlightenment, ie. for freedom and autonomy, structures of power and institutions need to be questioned and reevaluated constantly. This includes language, culture, and politics.
As of Carl Schmitt, his political theory included the stipulation that any imposition of one's will on others, including domination by war, was the purest embodiment of autonomy in the sense of sovereignty. He also stated that in any given state where the Rule of Law counted, the judges of the supreme court were the true sovereigns. It is ambiguous whether his theory is descriptive or normative though.