Welcome, Luna.
Interesting topic - how to take Bruno Latour's We Have Never Been Modern, tr. Catherine Porter. Cambridge, Mass.: 1993.
An extract from an article by Daniel Clarke Waugh (2001) might be of help. Page references are to Waugh's translation :
Scholarship reassessing the "Scientific Revolution" can provide some inspiration in this task [GLT: the task of fixing Peter the Great's - and Russia's - relationship to the so-called scientific revolution of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries]. "Modern science" as the embodiment of new and "rational" modes of inquiry is assumed to
be perhaps the foremost characteristic of the "modern world." In the "sagas of modernity
and Enlightenment, the Scientific Revolution is the unmoved mover that sets the irreversible
processes of secularization, industrialization, and rationalization in motion." With good
reason, the most widely accepted histories of science have identified the critical turning point
in the seventeenth century, as exemplified in the development of the experimental method by
Robert Boyle, and culminating in the mathematical formulations of Isaac Newton.46 Yet the
historiography of this Scientific Revolution seems to parallel the historiography of "modern-
ization," in that no sooner had the positivist framework been established than it came under
attack. Even those who still argue for the validity of the concept of the Scientific Revolution
now agree that the relationship between science and religion or rationality and superstition
is demonstrably complex. Arguably the Scientific Revolution, in which some of the leading lights "were even more pious than their predecessors" in the seventeenth century, involved
in part "an active struggle to reclaim knowledge for the pious." In part, the re-examination
of the Scientific Revolution has occurred in studies of experimental practice and the social
context of science. One of the most influential studies in what is known as the sociology of
scientific knowledge (SSK), has suggested that the supposedly rational demonstration of the
superiority of Boyle's experimental method was less than objective and "scientific."50
Although at one time he was identified with SSK and he uses this study as an important point
d'appui, Bruno Latour has now moved radically beyond what defenders of this school can
accept.
Latour, who seems to relish controversy, states boldly: "No one has ever been modern.
Modernity has never begun. There has never been a modern world." (p. 47). The modern
world as commonly understood is really an "invention" of Boyle and Hobbes, "in which the
representation of things through the intermediary of the laboratory is forever dissociated from
the representation of citizens through the intermediary of the social contract" (p. 27). "[...]
The moderns can mobilize Nature, objectify the social, and feel the spiritual presence of God,
even while firmly maintaining that Nature escapes us, that Society is our own work, and that
God no longer intervenes." (p. 34). Moreover, and this is a critical point for historians, "the
moderns have a peculiar propensity for understanding time that passes as if it were really
abolishing the past behind it. [...] They do not feel that they are removed from the Middle
Ages by a certain number of centuries, but that they are separated by Copernican revolutions,
epistemological breaks, epistemic ruptures so radical that nothing of that past survives in
them. [...] The moderns indeed sense time as an irreversible arrow, as capitalization, as
progress." (pp. 68-69). And nature/scientific truth is not distinctly separated from human
society and culture. In between those two poles is an array of "hybrids" or "quasi-objects,"
which may be "seen as mixing up different periods, ontologies or genres," and which,
according to Latour, the moderns attempt to deny. "We are not emerging from an obscure
past that confused natures and cultures in order to arrive at a future in which the two poles
will finally separate cleanly owing to the continual revolution of the present." (p. 76). He
argues then that since the dichotomies asserted by the moderns do not really exist, we can
best accept being "non-modern," retaining at least some of the beliefs of the "premoderns,"
importantly among them "their capacity for conceiving of past and future in many ways other
than progress and decadence" (p. 132).
(Daniel Clarke Waugh, 'We Have Never Been Modern: Approaches to the Study of Russia in the Age of Peter the
Great', Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas, Neue Folge, Bd. 49, H. 3 (2001), pp. 321-345: 330-1.)